Brasil pide a Guyana que abra el puente sobre el río Tucutu

Tomado de:

http://www.elnuevoherald.com/noticias/america_latina/story/457318.html

The Associated Press


GEORGETOWN, Guyana -- Brasil pidió a Guyana que abra cuanto antes un puente fronterizo que daría a los agricultores en los remotos estados norteños mejor acceso a los mercados de la América Central y el Caribe.


De forma extraoficial, los funcionarios brasileños en el estado de Roraima abrieron recientemente el puente fluvial, pero Guyana retrasó la apertura de su sección hasta que pueda ser organizada una inauguración oficial.


Bidones de combustible bloquean el tránsito rodado por el puente.


El embajador brasileño Arthur Meyer pidió el viernes por la noche a las autoridades de Georgetown que permitan el cruce de camiones de puente de Tukatu - financiado por Brasil - mientras se coordina la fecha de la inauguración oficial.
http://www.chron.com/disp/story.mpl/sp/biz/6438516.html


Nota del Editor del blog: Al referenciarse a la República Cooperativa de Guyana se deben de tener en cuenta los 159.500 Km2, de territorios ubicados al oeste del río Esequibo conocidos con el nombre de Guayana Esequiba o Zona en Reclamación sujetos al Acuerdo de Ginebra del 17 de febrero de 1966.

Territorios estos sobre los cuales el gobierno Venezolano en representación de la Nación venezolana se reservo sus derechos sobre los territorios de la Guayana Esequiba en su nota del 26 de mayo de 1966 al reconocerse al nuevo Estado.
“...por lo tanto, Venezuela reconoce como territorio del nuevo Estado, el que se sitúa al este de la margen derecha del río Esequibo y reitera ante la comunidad internacional, que se reserva expresamente sus derechos de soberanía territorial sobre la zona que se encuentra en la margen izquierda del precitado río; en consecuencia, el territorio de la Guayana Esequiba sobre el cual Venezuela se reserva expresamente sus derechos soberanos, limita al Este con el nuevo Estado de Guyana, a través de la línea del río Esequibo, tomando éste desde su nacimiento hasta su desembocadura en el Océano Atlántico...”

Reclamación El Reino Unido reclama a la ONU el lecho marino de las Malvinas

Tomado de:
http://www.lavozdegalicia.es/sociedad/2009/05/23/0003_7736006.htm

La ampliación de la soberanía desata un nuevo conflicto diplomático con Argentina

Agustín Botinelli

22/5/2009


Una vez más, las Islas Malvinas vuelven a ser el escenario de la confrontación entre Gran Bretaña y Argentina. En esta ocasión, el cortocircuito diplomático llegó con la propuesta oficial que Reino Unido presentó ante las Naciones Unidas para ampliar sus dominios en la plataforma continental del Atlántico sur, lo que incluye el lecho marino de las Malvinas, Georgias y Sándwich del Sur, prácticamente hasta llegar a la Antártida. La pretensión británica ha generado el inmediato y enérgico rechazo del gobierno argentino, que ya objetó la iniciativa. La reclamación de Gran Bretaña se hizo ante la Comisión de Límites de la Plataforma Continental de la ONU.


En el comunicado entregado a la prensa, el ministro británico afirmo que «la finalización exitosa de este proceso confirmará los límites de la jurisdicción de Gran Bretaña sobre la plataforma continental, y garantizará nuestro derecho a administrar la plataforma para las futuras generaciones».


Según las leyes internacionales, los países administran el lecho marino a 200 millas náuticas de las costas, pero pueden extender este límite a 350 millas si lo piden a la Comisión de la ONU sobre los Límites de la Plataforma Continental (CLCS).


Las exigencias de Gran Bretaña recibieron el más severo repudio del gobierno argentino que, a través de su canciller Jorge Taiana, hizo saber que «la insistencia británica en pretender arrogarse competencias sobre las Islas Malvinas, Georgias del Sur y Sandwich del Sur y los espacios marítimos circundantes, archipiélagos que forman parte del territorio nacional argentino, resulta inaceptable e inadmisible por corresponder el ejercicio de tales competencias únicamente al Estado soberano de la República Argentina».


También hizo saber que el Estado argentino «denunciará y protestará contra este nuevo acto unilateral perpetrado por el Reino Unido, en abierta violación de la soberanía argentina y de lo establecido por la comunidad internacional».


Ante esta objeción formal del Gobierno argentino, la Comisión dejará el caso en suspenso, teniendo en cuenta que ante la posibilidad de una disputa debe negarse a examinar ambas peticiones sobre el territorio hasta que se alcance un acuerdo diplomático. En principio, la reclamación del gobierno británico no tiene muchas posibilidades de prosperar.


El Gobierno de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner recordó que la Asamblea General y el Comité Especial de Descolonización de las Naciones Unidas han reconocido reiteradamente la existencia de una disputa de soberanía sobre las Malvinas, instando a ambas partes a reanudar el diálogo para hallar una solución «pacífica, justa y duradera».


Territorio estratégico


Las Islas Malvinas son un territorio estratégico en lo comercial. Además, la existencia de petróleo en su plataforma marítima es un secreto a voces que ninguno de los dos gobiernos se atreve a desmentir. Una confidencia de Phyll Rendell, directora del Departamento de Minerales y Agricultura de las Malvinas, a un periodista de la BBC dejó al descubierto que la empresa británica Desire Petroleum probó la existencia de unos 1.000 millones de barriles de crudo esperando ser explotados y que podrían representar una reserva petrolera de entre 25 y 30 años, que generaría ganancias de alrededor de más de 200 millones de dólares por año.


El otro recurso es el de la pesca, ya que las aguas de las islas son uno de los caladeros más importantes. En octubre de 1986 el Reino Unido establece una ordenanza que exige a cualquier embarcación que desee pescar en aguas de las Islas la obtención de una licencia que supone el pago de un arancel.


Los países que solicitaron la licencia de pesca en la zona fueron Japón, Polonia, España, Taiwán, Corea del Sur, Italia, Reino Unido, Chile, Francia y Grecia. El gobierno de las islas casi cuadriplicó sus ingresos gracias a este recurso.


Licencias de pesca

Argentina, por su parte, bloqueó las licencias a las empresas que pretendan faenar con permisos del gobierno de las islas y también en sus aguas. La mayoría de las pesqueras viguesas radicadas en Argentina debieron decidir dónde enviar sus buques.


Las Malvinas, a 400 millas marinas del territorio argentino, fueron ocupadas por los británicos en 1833 y, por su posesión, Argentina y Reino Unido libraron una guerra de 72 días en 1982, en la que murieron 255 militares británicos y más de 650 soldados argentinos

Una idea de lo que les espera

Tomado de:
http://www.analitica.com/va/politica/opinion/1534550.asp
Jorge Ramírez Fernández
Sábado, 23 de mayo de 2009


En éstos momentos en que la situación política venezolana pareciera acercarse al momento de la confrontación y aniquilamiento seguro para alguno de los bandos en pugna, son demasiados los temas que vienen a nuestra mente y las ideas que quisiéramos desarrollar para trasmitirlas a quienes tengan la paciencia y la generosidad de leerlas. Nos gustaría recordar al Napoleón Bonaparte de 1812, cuando obnubilado en la seguridad de su poder y talentos absolutos decide someter y humillar a Rusia, y cuando todo parecía destinado a su victoria y preeminencia total se encontró con el más espeluznante de los desenlaces.


En ésta Venezuela tan cercana al 2012, nos encontramos con un personaje que se cree y se siente superior al Napoleón Bonaparte que sometió al mundo, y que pareciera no darse cuenta de muchos detalles que ocurren a su alrededor y que le hablan a gritos sin que él se detenga a escucharlos. El viejo proverbio nos recuerda que “los dioses ciegan a quienes quieren perder”.


El sólo hecho, estridente y que sin embargo pasó por debajo de la mesa, de que en su viaje al Cono Sur no pudiese pisar Chile, como era su deseo, por las consecuencias del extraño y desatinado insulto que le infringió a la Presidenta Bachelet por haberse reunido en ese país una Cumbre de países progresistas latinoamericanos con los Estados Unidos e Inglaterra, estúpidamente obvió en su insulto a otros “amigos del alma” presentes en dicha reunión. Y al poco tiempo, ¡Sorpresa! Quien insultaba antes a la Bachelet, se humillaba y ridiculizaba ahora por tomarse una foto y llamar melosa y rastacueramente la atención del más alto representante del aborrecido imperio. ¡Que papelón! Y sin disculparse y asumir su vulgar y estúpido comportamiento, pretendía que los chilenos lo recibieran con los brazos abiertos, y éstos, con mucha cortesía, le dieron con la puerta en la nariz. Y en Chile gobierna el Partido Socialista de Salvador Allende. ¡Nada menos! Luego en la Argentina se consigue con una declaración del consorte Kirchner tomando distancia de la política de atropello, amedrentamiento, sometimiento brutal y clausura de medios de comunicación. Raudo, acordó pagar a los empresarios argentinos de Techint, dos mil millones de dólares por la mitad accionaria de la Siderúrgica del Orinoco luego de haber dicho que entera no valía 800 mm de dólares. Y aún así Cristina Kirchner en la rueda de prensa conjunta con Chávez se permitió decirle que “había puesto un dispositivo para apagarle el micrófono si se extendía demasiado”. Lo que quiere decir que ya, ni aun pagando en exceso puede asegurarse la lealtad y sumisión de sus socios.


Si después de tanto regalar el dinero de todos los venezolanos, de hacer concesiones como entregar la Guayana Esequiba y casi hacer lo mismo con el Golfo de Venezuela, tiene que amenazar con “retirarse de la OEA”, quiere decir que su influencia continental está muy mermada, o que los beneficiarios de su generosidad con el dinero ajeno, se lo chulearon, se lo comieron, se lo bebieron y ahora se enfrenta con otro viejo proverbio “música paga no suena”. Demasiada gente afuera se da cuenta que la situación de Chávez es insostenible por mucho tiempo, y cómo es lógico marcan distancia.


La torpeza para manejar economía está pasando factura. La crisis de PDVSA es muchísimo peor que la de la economía norteamericana, los gringos aplican correctivos para lograr una pronta recuperación. Chávez y Rafael Ramírez sólo ruegan por un milagro que los salve, cuando es notorio que están en situación morosa con tutilimundache, que no están en capacidad de pagar el cúmulo de deudas que arrastran. Creen que dando un salto adelante, haciendo un truco de prestidigitador, van a lograr correr la arruga para ganar tiempo, saben que se equivocan pero ya no pueden hacer otra cosa.


La grieta que les ocasionó el episodio Rosales no deja de crecer. Si cometen otra estupidez con Mario Vargas Llosa y los otros ilustres visitantes invitados por CEDICE, y después se van contra Globovisión; el recuerdo de Napoleón, el invierno ruso y Santa Elena pudiera darles una idea de lo que los espera.


jorgeramirezfernandez@hotmail.com

Buques de Guerra brasileños visitan a Guyana

Tomado de:
http://www.guyanachronicle.com/news.html#Anchor--------------50586



Brazilian naval vessels leave after brief friendship visit

THREE Brazilian naval vessels touring the Caribbean left Port Georgetown from the Guyana Defence Force (GDF) Coast Guard wharf.

The Bracui, Goiana and Guanabara are on tour as part of operation Caribbean Express or ‘CARIBEX’ which began in March.


Their journey is aimed at promoting friendship and enhancing cooperation between Guyana and the other Caribbean countries and the Brazilian Defence Force and the Government, by extension, Warrant Officer Sergio Procheira told the media yesterday morning.


One hundred and sixteen Brazilian naval officers are on the three ships that arrived here late Thursday evening and they were joined by GDF ranks, Lieutenant Andre Cush and Able Rating Kenroy on their departure.


The two will be participating in instruction and other training activities until the ships’ final destination in Natal on June 9.


The boats are due to make calls in Port of Spain, San Juan, Havana and La Guaira, Procheira said.


He disclosed that they were in Trinidad and Tobago for the Fifth Summit of the Americas from April 17-19, assisting with security.


According to him, this is not the first time that the Brazilian Defence Force has collaborated with other military within the Caribbean and the collaboration will continue.


Brazilian Ambassador to Guyana, Mr. Arthur Meyers was warmly received on board the ships and was taken all over them.


Later, he said the series of tours by the vessels have been an annual occurrence since 2006 and this is the second call in Guyana, following that in 2007.


Meyers said two of the ships were built in Brazil while the third, Bracui was a British flagship.


He explained that the two Guyanese, the first to be invited, will accompany the Brazilians on the final leg of their trip to participate in a training cooperation programme between the armed forces of Brazil and Guyana and will remain in the former for about seven to ten days.


Brazil has provided military assistance to Guyana on a number of occasions over the years, in the form of warfare training and logistics and bilateral relations have heightened in recent years, as a result of Brazil's new South-South foreign policy towards strengthening South American integration.


Nota del Editor del blog: Al referenciarse a la República Cooperativa de Guyana se deben de tener en cuenta los 159.500 Km2, de territorios ubicados al oeste del río Esequibo conocidos con el nombre de Guayana Esequiba o Zona en Reclamación sujetos al Acuerdo de Ginebra del 17 de febrero de 1966.

Guyana (Guayana Esequiba) la Frontera Sur.

Tomado de:
http://www.mirrornewsonline.com/feature1.php#19

GUYANA’S SOUTHERN FRONTIER

By. Ralph Ramkarran


News in the press about the abortive opening of the Takatu Bridge from the Brazil side of the border reminded me of my recent visit to Boa Vista, the capital of the State of Roraima in Brazil. It was an eye opener. I met business leaders, members of Roraima’s legislature, the Governor and several officials. I was generously assisted by officials of the Guyana Consulate and the Governor’s Office.

I have to confess that even though I had previously visited Brasilia and Region 9 in Guyana, I had never ventured next door to Roraima. I was keen to cure my ignorance of our neighbours on the border.

I had heard many stories about Roraima and its capital, Boa Vista, before I arrived. The two important facts I had learnt was that Boa Vista was a carefully planned and constructed city and that a closer connection between Guyana and Boa Vista was important for both Guyana and Brazil because of the great possibilities of our people and governments doing business together. Boa Vista lived up to my expectations. It’s a beautiful city, attractive to those of us who are accustomed to small cities, and admired by those of us who appreciate the elegant result of forward planning.

Brazil is now without doubt one of the most important and influential countries in the world. Its great size and burgeoning economy, perched on the cusp of becoming an oil power, and the exercise of a deft diplomatic touch with its growing influence, has earned it a place at the table of the developed world because its actions and policies already influence regional and world economic developments. While our interests do not always coincide in a few matters, as in the case of Brazil’s opposition to the EU’s preferential treatment of ACP sugar, they do in a great deal else and there is no question that the outcome of closer economic relations can only have an enormously beneficial impact on both countries, particularly Guyana.

I found in Boa Vista a palpable excitement among business leaders about the potential for increased cooperation between Boa Vista and Guyana. I am not surprised at the anxiety of the Brazilians to get the Takatu Bridge in operation and this would explain the attempted opening.

Brazilian Indians have recently won a case in Brazil’s courts reserving large tracts of lands in the area of the Amazon rain forest for their use. These lands are no longer available for commercial cultivation of soya, rice and other products which require extensive acreage of lands. Roraima business people are therefore in search of lands on which they can produce a large variety of agricultural crops. Brazil is already an agricultural power, an aspiration which Guyana has had and has articulated for many years and which is even more important now with the impending challenges by climate change to the world’s food supply. Only a few weeks ago I met a delegation from Brazil comprising one of the largest agricultural producers in Roraima who are looking into the possibility of growing rice in Region 9. There are credible reports of other business people looking for lands for soya cultivation. These, of course, have to be accommodated having regard to the lands required in that area for cattle rearing, which is an old and existing industry. There are numerous other areas of business activity which have the potential of development and which are being explored in Boa Vista and in Lethem as we speak (or as I write).

Brazil has long been on a stable growth trajectory and, with the discovery of petroleum, the potential for further, more rapid, growth will increase in the coming decades in geometric proportions. Roraima State, as all other areas of Brazil, will derive positive benefits from the overall growth of the economy and will be propelled forward into the development of its industry and agriculture. Guyana is poised to benefit from those developments, not by catching crumbs, but as a full partner. Guyana has resources that Roraima needs and vice versa and the joint utilization of those resources will benefit all.

Great strides have been made in recent years in strengthening the unity and cooperation between Latin American states and among Latin American and Caribbean countries. It is not necessary here to detail the number of organizations which have been established and which have programmes for the development of cooperation. Guyana plays a full part in these bodies and treats with seriousness its responsibility to contribute to these developments. We were represented at the recent Fifth Summit of the Americas where President Jagdeo was chosen to be the Head to represent Caricom’s positions in its meeting with President Obama. This signal honour was due, apart from President Jagdeo’s leadership role in Caricom, to Guyana’s high profile in the activities of both Latin America and Caricom. It was as a result of these promising developments that our attention began to be attracted or driven southward with increasing urgency.

Our immediate northward engagement was institutionalized as a member of Caricom of which we were a founding member. Over the years, Guyana has not been able to take full advantage of what Caricom has to offer in terms of investment and development. One specific case is that of food production. Caricom imports several billions of US dollars a year in food. Even though Guyana has the capacity to supply a large quantity of that amount, investment in food production to a level sufficient to gain a significant percentage of that market has not been forthcoming. One reason might be that the major, potential food production areas are not serviced by adequate infrastructure to economically bring the produce to market. For this and perhaps other reasons, we have seen little foreign direct investment in food production in Guyana. The government has been doing its best, with some success, to encourage local investment. But a great deal more of investment in food production is required to utilize Guyana’s vast potential. Such investment can be attracted from Brazil.

At the southern border the Takatu Bridge was constructed by the Brazilian Government upon agreement with Guyana. Brazil would not have expended that sum and Guyana would not have agreed unless it was in the interest of both countries. My visit to Boa Vista convinced me that that the Brazil Government would not have funded this project without the urging of the people of Roraima State and unless it was in Brazil’s and Roraima’s interest.

What is that interest? There are several and of different layers. The first is that it is in accordance with a Latin American project to improve road communication between countries in this hemisphere. The second is that engagement between our peoples would be enhanced by increased traffic and easier communication. The third is that it opens up far greater opportunities than currently exists for cross border investment and trade. The fourth is that it brings closer the day when there will be a paved road linking Brazil and Guyana.


The increasing linkages among Latin American countries over the past twenty years, driven by the realization that their futures depend on greater cooperation, have resulted, at least in Brazil’s and Guyana’s case of increasing Brazilian investment in Guyana and movement of people across our borders, particularly Brazilians to Guyana. Brazilian investment in the mining industry is now significant and growing. This took place at the level of miners and though not targeted by the two governments, the people took things in their own hands and moved forward in an industry which was awaiting the introduction of advanced resources and equipment. Aspects of business in the city are now attracting Brazilian attention.

The greatest excitement and most frequent talking point among Brazilians and Guyanese is the possibility of a paved road linking Boa Vista and Georgetown and a deep water harbor in Guyana. This project is based on the perceived need for such a linkage to facilitate the shipping of goods from southern Brazil to North America and Europe. It is argued that such a transit route will be shorter, faster and cheaper than the route now utilized by northern Brazil through southern Brazil. It is believed in Guyana that such a development will bring untold benefits to Guyana and will mark a truly significant step in the history of Guyana’s southern outlook.

The Guyana Government has not made any official pronouncement on the value of a bridge but a pre-feasibility was announced. When this study is concluded, if this has not yet happened, it will provide some basis to arrive at preliminary conclusions.

If such a bridge ever becomes a possibility it will elevate Guyana’s relations with Brazil to a new and higher level. It will make a great deal of Brazil’s goods more competitively priced because of the cheaper shipping costs. It will trigger large scale development in Roraima to take advantage of cheaper transportation costs. It will transform Region 9 and Guyana’s infrastructural profile. It will greatly enlarge Guyana’s economy by encouraging investments of all kinds. It will increase Guyana’s image as a secure home for investments.


Having regard to the potential for Region 9, is this the time for the Government to consider a Region 9 Development Authority to locate in that Region and to coordinate, develop, advise and assist in implementing central government’s strategy for the Region? The disadvantage of creating another bureaucratic layer of authority must be balanced against the potential enhanced effectiveness and efficiency which such an authority could create.

In a statement in the National Assembly arising from the purported ‘opening’ of the Takatu Bridge, the Minister of Foreign Affairs stated: “The Takatu Bridge is symbolic of the ever-growing ties and cooperation between the Republic of Guyana and the Federative Republic of Brazil.” There is a foundation for building an ever growing relationship. I felt the passion in Boa Vista. It’s here in Guyana too. It’s growing in the Caribbean with the recent visit of Caribbean business leaders to Boa Vista. Now is the time for action.

Nota del Editor del blog: Al referenciarse a la República Cooperativa de Guyana se deben de tener en cuenta los 159.500 Km2, de territorios ubicados al oeste del río Esequibo conocidos con el nombre de Guayana Esequiba o Zona en Reclamación sujetos al Acuerdo de Ginebra del 17 de febrero de 1966

Por que las Malvinas SI y la Guayana Esequiba No

¿Por qué las Malvinas SI... y la Guayana Esequiba No?

¿.................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................................. http://reportperu.wordpress.com/2009/05/16/chavez-pretensiones-britanicas-sobre-malvinas-nos-agreden/

http://www.noticias24.com/actualidad/noticia/47401/canciller-argentino-agradece-a-chavez-y-espera-mas-apoyos-por-malvinas/


http://www.eluniversal.com/2009/05/16/int_ava_canciller-argentino_16A2332357.shtml




http://espanol.answers.yahoo.com/question/index?qid=20070901081110AAU67iF

.......?

Contradicciones sobre la política ambiental en el Rupununi ( Guayana Esequiba)

Recent reported developments in the Rupununi contradict other aspects of public policy
Tomado de:
http://www.stabroeknews.com/2009/letters/05/16/recent-reported-developments-in-the-rupununi-contradict-other-aspects-of-public-policy/

By Stabroek staff May 16, 2009 in Letters
Dear Editor,
I commence with a quote from Basil Liddell Hart (1933): “I do not criticize persons, but only a state of affairs. It is they, however, who will have to answer for deficiencies at the bar of history.”


I now refer to recent reports carried by the media which inform of the following:


* Large scale economic enterprises, such as the cultivation of rice and soybeans, are being contemplated for the savannahs in the Rupununi.



* Among some of the likely investors are those who were ordered by the Supreme Court of Brazil to vacate indigenous lands in the Raposa Serra do Sol area of north eastern Roraima State, bordering Regions 8 and 9.


* The conservation organizations have no role to play in this evolving process.


* The Chairman of the Simpson Group of Companies is reported to have told a recent news conference in Boa Vista that he owned one million hectares of arable land in Lethem town (sic).


Additional information obtained from reliable



sources indicates that over three hundred mining claims have been registered in the Rupununi and Rewa Rivers, tributaries of the Essequibo River and which lie in the heartland of Guyana’s rich and unique biodiversity.


The Rewa River bisects an ecosystem that is sandwiched between the Kanuku Mountains – a proposed protected area; the North Rupununi wetlands – a proposed Ramsar site; the Conservation Concession in the Essequibo River and the Iwokrama Rain Forest Reserve.


The ecosystem is home to settled Macusi and Wapishana communities which are interested stakeholders but also stewards of this ecosystem.


While to the unsuspecting, these bits of information may be indicators that the bridge over the Takutu River between Guyana and Brazil has started to pay dividends in being a catalyst for the economic development of Region 9 and further afield, taken cumulatively, they fly in the face of and are in contradiction with other known aspects of public policy:


* The President’s laudable global crusade on climate change and his advocacy of the responsibilities of more developed high emission countries to compensate Guyana for its stewardship of its forest resources;


* National policy on ecologically sustainable management of Guyana’s rich and unique biodiversity and critical ecosystems;


* Maximising on the economic potential of ecologically sustainable and culturally sensitive tourism;


* Article 13 of the Guyana Consti-tution on the involvement of people in the decision-making process and in particular the communities that are the stakeholders and stewards; and


* The Millennium Development Goals as they speak to the safeguarding of the interests of future generations.
I wish to prompt, through this letter, serious re-examination of the implications of the course of this development which we are led to believe are in the best interests of Guyana and urge those who are vested with technical and advisory responsibilities to honestly provide decision-makers with the professionalism, support and advice that their training, experience and conscience dictate they must do.


Passivity and acquiescence, it has been proven, do not constitute viable defence in the courts of Guyana and I would hope that it would not be necessary for future generations to hold us accountable for ‘Crimes against the Environment.’


Let me end, as I began, with a quote, this time from Franz Fanon in The Wretched of the Earth (1963): “Now, it so happens that when the people are invited to participate in the management of the country, they do not slow the movement down but on the contrary they speed it up.”


Yours faithfully,
Joseph G. Singh
Major General (retd)

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Nota del Editor del blog: Al referenciarse a la República Cooperativa de Guyana se deben de tener en cuenta los 159।500 Km2, de territorios ubicados al oeste del río Esequibo conocidos con el nombre de Guayana Esequiba o Zona en Reclamación sujetos al Acuerdo de Ginebra del 17 de febrero de 1966.

Confirman la solicitud de arrendamiento por 99 años en las sabanas del Rupununi (Guayana Esequiba)

Confirman la solicitud de arrendamiento por 99 años en las sabanas del Rupununi (Guayana Esequiba) de Paulo Cesar Quartiero, quien presuntamente estaría detrás de los movimientos anti-amerindios al norte del Brasil en el Estado del Roraima en la Reserva Indígena Raposa do Sol de donde fue expulsado y que está separada de las sabanas del Rupununi por los ríos Ireng Takutu

Controversial Brazil farmer among would-be Rupununi investors
Tomado de:
http://www.stabroeknews.com/2009/news/local/05/16/controversial-brazil-farmer-among-would-be-rupununi-investors/

By Sara Bharrat May 16, 2009 in Local News

– Persaud confirms

Minister of Agriculture Robert Persaud on Thursday confirmed that a controversial farmer was among the group of investors from the State of Roraima who recently visited Guyana.


Paulo Cesar Quartiero, a large-scale Brazilian farmer who is among a group recently ordered by the Brazilian Supreme Court to vacate the Indian reservation Raposa Serra do Sol, recently said that the Government of Guyana has proposed to lease him land for 99 years. Concerns have been raised about this since Quartiero has been described in the Brazilian and international media as the force behind “the movement of resistance of non-Indians” in the northern Brazilian State of Roraima, separated from Guyana by the Ireng and Takutu rivers.


Contacted about Quartiero’s claims, Persaud had said that investors from the State of Roraima visited recently to explore the availability of land for rice cultivation in Upper Takutu/Upper Essequibo (Region Nine).



When questioned on Thursday about whether Quartiero’s link to the resistance in Brazil would affect his investment proposals here Persaud said, “I will not be baited into discussing Brazil’s internal affairs; so I will not comment on the matter”.


Investment proposals, according to the Agriculture Minister, are approved based on “certain criteria”. Asked about the criteria, Persaud would only say “they are well established” and he further stressed that he would not address allegations made against Quartiero.



On March 19, in a 10-1 vote, the Brazilian tribunal’s judges reaffirmed the borders of the Raposa Serra do Sol reserve located in the State of Roraima, and ordered the expulsion of a group of rice farmers. A March 20 article published online by the Sydney Morning Herald said the Brazilian farmers had vowed to fight any attempt to force them out, and several stockpiled arms and threatened to blow up bridges and spike roads if police moved in.


Quartiero reportedly led the resistance of the non-Indian farmers. Reports in the May 2 online edition of Journal do Brasil said Quartiero left the reserve one day after the deadline given by the Supreme Court to vacate Raposa Serra do Sol. Brazilian police and soldiers during a 12-hour operation to remove non-indigenous residents from the Indian reservation had ordered Quartiero to leave.


The Raposa Serra do Sol resistance has become notorious and is being followed closely by several international organizations. A Rainforest Foundation, United States report sent to Brazilian authorities reported that “ten indigenous people in Raposa Serra do Sol were attacked and shot by a group of gunmen” hired by the leader of the rice growers in the area.


Reacting to Quartiero’s claim that the government of Guyana had proposed to lease land to him, Persaud had said on Tuesday: “A group of investors from the State of Roraima visited Guyana recently, to explore the availability of land for rice cultivation in the Region Nine area.


The government is willing to consider an acceptable investment proposal for rice and soya cultivation in the region. The rice is not to be sold on the local market but only for export to Brazil. Specific areas for cultivation were identified by the investors. No consideration will be given to land demarcated or to be demarcated for Amerindian communities. The availability of land areas is under review by the Guyana Lands and Surveys Commission.”


According to Persaud, several Amerindian communities are already cultivating rice in Region Nine on a small scale. The government, he had said, has concluded a project with the Spanish government on expanding rice cultivation in nine villages in Regions Nine and Eight (Potaro/Siparuni). However, Persaud did not say whether the introduction of large-scale rice cultivation in Region Nine has been discussed with the administrative body.


Instead, he had said, “Any private involvement in the sector will give a boost to rice production and allow for farmers and millers to tap into Brazil’s large rice market, especially with the impending opening of the Takutu Bridge.”


Asked again on Thursday whether the Ministry of Agriculture has considered the impact large-scale mechanized cultivation could have on the region’s ecosystem Persaud reiterated, “All investors are required to comply with all our national laws including the Amerindian Act, and Environmental Protection Act.” He refused to comment further.


He said conservation organisations like Iwokrama and Conservation International (CI) Guyana have not been informed of the possible project since the ministry has “envisaged” no role for them.


The government recently signed four technical cooperation agreements with the Brazilian authorities which are aimed at boosting agricultural development. This was reported in the May 6 edition of Stabroek News and sourced to a Government Information Agency (GINA) press statement.


On a recent visit to Brazil, GINA had said, Persaud finalised agreements for upland rice production, corn production, aquaculture and forestry. The cultivation of rice in the hinterland areas of Guyana is being catered for in the upland rice production project as the release noted that it is costly to import rice into those areas from the coastland.



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Nota del Editor del blog: Al referenciarse a la República Cooperativa de Guyana se deben de tener en cuenta los 159.500 Km2, de territorios ubicados al oeste del río Esequibo conocidos con el nombre de Guayana Esequiba o Zona en Reclamación sujetos al Acuerdo de Ginebra del 17 de febrero de 1966.

¿Se entrego la Guayana Esequiba o Zona en Reclamación?

Guyana Goldfields Inc. announces $12,050,000 non-brokered private placement

Tomado de:
http://app.quotemedia.com/streamer/newsItem.htm?storyId=22664522&;topic=GUY:CA

Guyana Goldfields Inc. announces $12,050,000 non-brokered private placement
TORONTO, May 15 /CNW/ - Guyana Goldfields Inc. http://app.quotemedia.com/streamer/newsItem.htm?storyId=22664522&;topic=GUY:CA

(TSX:GUY) ("Guyana" or the "Company") is pleased to announce a non-brokered private placement pursuant to which Guyana proposes to issue up to 4,381,818 units ("Units") at a price of $2.75 per Unit for aggregate gross proceeds of up to $12,050,000. Each Unit will consist of one common share and one-half of one common share purchase warrant. Each whole warrant shall be exercisable at any time for one common share at a price of $4.00 per share for a period of three years following closing.


The Company shall have the right to call the outstanding warrants should the closing price of its common shares exceed $6.00 for 30 consecutive trading days after one year has elapsed from the closing date.



The International Finance Corporation (IFC), the member of the World Bank Group focused on private sector investments in developing countries, and a current shareholder in the Company, has agreed to purchase $5,000,000 (1,818,181 Units) of the private placement, subject to approval by its Board of Directors. Upon closing of the private placement the IFC will hold an aggregate of 3,548,181 shares (5.6%) of Guyana. Claude F. Lemasson, P.Eng, MBA, the recently appointed President and Chief Operating Officer of the Company has agreed to purchase $1,000,000 (363,636 Units) of the private placement. Current and existing shareholders have agreed to purchase the remaining $6,050,000 (2,200,000 units).

The net proceeds of the private placement will be used to complete the previously announced Definitive Feasibility Study undertaken by AMEC, Canada, to continue exploration of the Company's portfolio of gold exploration properties in Guyana, South America and for general working capital purposes. The private placement remains subject to the approval of the Toronto Stock Exchange. The securities described herein have not been registered under the U.S.

Securities Act of 1933, as amended, and may not be offered or sold in the United States unless registered under the Act or unless an exemption from registration is available.

About IFC: IFC, a member of the World Bank Group, creates opportunity for people to escape poverty and improve their lives. IFC fosters sustainable economic growth in developing countries by supporting private sector development, mobilizing private capital, and providing advisory and risk mitigation services to businesses and governments. IFC's new investments totaled $16.2 billion in fiscal 2008, a 34 percent increase over the previous year. For more information, visit www.ifc.org.
About Guyana:
Guyana Goldfields Inc. is a Canadian based mineral exploration company primarily focused on the exploration and development of gold deposits in Guyana, South America where the Company has operated since 1996. The Company is currently undertaking technical studies to advance and develop the Aurora Project in Guyana.

As previously announced, (see press release dated December 8, 2008 at www.sedar.com under the Guyana Goldfields Inc. profile, "Guyana Goldfields Announces Increased Resource at Aurora 3.69 Million Ounces Measured and Indicated and 1.72 Million Ounces Inferred"), the Aurora Gold Project contains a Measured resource of 8.08 million tonnes @ 4.11 g/t Au., an Indicated resource of 21.06 million tonnes @ 3.87 g/t Au. and an Inferred resource of 19.97 million tonnes @ 2.77 g/t Au. Mr. D. K. Mukhopadhyay, MAusIMM, Senior Mineral Resource Geologist of Micon International Co. Limited, reviewed and approved the technical data in his capacity of a Qualified Person under National Instrument 43-101. For further details, please refer to the technical report of Guyana dated November 23, 2007 entitled "Technical Report: A Mineral Resource

Estimate For the Rory's Knoll, East Walcott and Aleck Hill Zones, Aurora Gold Property, Guyana" available on SEDAR at www.sedar.com.

Forward Looking Statements - Certain information set forth in this news release may contain forward-looking statements that involve substantial known and unknown risks and uncertainties. These forward-looking statements are subject to numerous risks and uncertainties, certain of which are beyond the control of Guyana, including, but not limited to the impact of general economic conditions, industry conditions, volatility of commodity prices, risks associated with the uncertainty of resource and reserve estimates, currency fluctuations, dependence upon regulatory approvals, the availability of future financing and exploration risk. Readers are cautioned that the assumptions used in the preparation of such information, although considered reasonable at the time of preparation, may prove to be imprecise and, as such, undue reliance should not be placed on forward-looking statements. %SEDAR: 00022477E Source: Canada NewsWire (May 15, 2009 - 9:23 AM EDT)


Nota del Editor del blog: Al referenciarse a la República Cooperativa de Guyana se deben de tener en cuenta los 159.500 Km2, de territorios ubicados al oeste del río Esequibo conocidos con el nombre de Guayana Esequiba o Zona en Reclamación sujetos al Acuerdo de Ginebra del 17 de febrero de 1966.

La gran cantidad de concesiones para la explotación de oro, diamante, bauxita, tierras raras con un alto contenido de uranio, el forestal así como la señalada en esta información.


Sin que el Gobierno de Caracas haga valer la tradicional posición de la Nación venezolana sobre sus derechos históricos, jurídicos, y sociales de los territorios ubicados al oeste del río Esequibo desde nuestra gesta de emancipación.

Contraviniendo la actual Constitución Nacional y la frustración de toda una nación por sus reivindicaciones territoriales.

VADEMÉCUM FRONTERIZO (Guayana Esequiba)

Tomado de:
http://www.correodelcaroni.com/content/view/126732/116/

FRONTERIZO/Adel Muhammad Tineo
Correo del Caroní Opinión VADEMÉCUM

Explicaba César Casas Rincón, que la evolución del Derecho del Mar fue recogida en la Convención de Ginebra de 1958 relativa al mar territorial y plataforma continental.
“En 1961 Venezuela acogió -con reservas- las decisiones de la Convención de Ginebra, dándole carácter legal. Esos principios de la Convención de Ginebra obligan a la delimitación de los mares territoriales y las plataformas continentales, entre países vecinos adyacentes o vecinos enfrentados cuyas respectivas áreas se superponen las unas a las otras, aun cuando Venezuela no ratificó de esa convención, precisamente, la parte correspondiente al método de delimitación”.


Es de advertirse, empero, la aseveración final del Dr. Casas: “Colombia tiene costas adyacentes a las de Venezuela en Castilletes; y costas enfrentadas entre las penínsulas de La Guajira y Paraguaná, y entre La Guajira y Los Monjes. De ahí la razón de delimitar las áreas marinas y submarinas que le corresponden a Venezuela y Colombia”.


Polemista y tribuno, Pedro José Lara Peña dejó dicho (Golfo de Venezuela, Diccionario de Historia de Venezuela, Fundación Polar):
“A partir del Tratado de 1941, firmado en Cúcuta el 5 de abril de ese año, Colombia definitivamente se convirtió en un país ribereño dentro del golfo, a lo largo de una frontera de poca longitud, de escasos 40 km y de carácter geográfico mixto”.


Viene a cuento, respecto a quienes alegarían que Venezuela debe rechazar de plano cualquier negociación sobre delimitaciones en el golfo, sustentándose la tesis de la “costa seca”, las precisiones de Pedro Nikken al respecto, recogidas en la exposición titulada La “costa seca” favorece a Colombia (Caracas, 1980).

También, desde luego, resulta ilustrativo, como resumen de antecedentes y en el capítulo de las conclusiones, el examen del Dr. Eduardo Plaza (1970) titulado La plataforma continental y su división entre Venezuela y Colombia.
“La historia nos demuestra que las consecutivas pérdidas de nuestro territorio han obedecido en muchos casos a nuestra desidia y a nuestras permanentes discordias internas”.


De Rafael Sureda Delgado (1994) la Academia de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales publicó El Golfo de Venezuela. Análisis histórico-crítico de tres tesis para que Colombia no posea áreas marinas ni submarinas en la costa guajira entre Castilletes y Punta Espada. Contiene acopio documental y testimonial. Desde el Frente de Defensa de la Soberanía y de la Integridad Territorial de Venezuela y personalidades (Gonzalo Barrios, Miguel Ángel Burelli Rivas, Rafael Caldera, Arístides Calvani, Carlos Capriles Ayala, Rubén Carpio Castillo, Godofredo González, Marcelo González, Guillermo Morón, Héctor Mujica, Jorge Olavarría, Pedro París Montesinos, Carlos Andrés Pérez, Luis Beltrán Prieto Figueroa, José Alberto Zambrano Velasco, Oswaldo Álvarez Paz, Ignacio Luis Arcaya, Demetrio Boersner, Allan Brewer-Carías, Orestes Di Giácomo, Conferencia Episcopal, Marcos Falcón Briceño, Cervelión Fortoul Pineda, Martín García Villasmil, Carlos Guerón, Daniel Guerra Íñiguez, Edecio La Riva Araujo, José Manzo González, José Melich Orsini, Isidro Morales Paúl, Movimiento al Socialismo, Leandro Área y Elke Nieschulz de Stockhausen, Germán Nava Carrillo, Kaldone G. Nweihed, Simón Antoni Paván, Teodoro Petkoff, Asociación Pro Venezuela, José Vicente Rangel, Luis Esteban Rey, José Rodríguez Iturbe, Aníbal Romero, César Rondón Lovera, Efraín Schacht Aristeguieta, Carlos Sosa Rodríguez, Fermín Toro Jiménez, José Alberto Zambrano Velasco, Tito Gutiérrez Alfaro, Pedro José Lara Peña y Eduardo Fernández).


En Historia de las fronteras de Venezuela, de Hermann González Oropeza S.J. y Manuel Donis Ríos (Cuadernos Lagoven, 1989), recuentan los autores el contenido jurídico de las capitulaciones, las fronteras occidentales, la ciudad gobierno de San Faustino, la comandancia de Barinas, las fronteras orientales, Nueva Andalucía, la Gobernación de El Dorado o Guayana, la comandancia de nuevas poblaciones de Orinoco y Río Negro, instituciones integradoras de las provincias venezolanas, la Capitanía General de Venezuela, Real Consulado de Caracas, historia de la frontera con Brasil, “largo proceso de límites” entre Venezuela y Colombia, los límites orientales o la Guayana Esequiba, las ambiciones por Isla de Aves, islas de Trinidad y Patos.

La Fraternidad Latinoamericana (Guayana Esequiba)

Tomado de:
http://www.lahistoriaparalela.com.ar/2009/05/15/la-fraternidad-latinoamericana/

Publicado el 15 de May, 2009 en Columnista invitado, Opinion, Pedro Corzo


El Columnista Invitado de Hoy: Pedro Corzo


Los numerosos conflictos bélicos y desacuerdos fronterizos con amagos de guerra, entre las naciones de América Latina, desmienten la divulgada fraternidad hemisférica. Solo unos ejemplos para constatar la realidad.


Prácticamente todos los países de Sudamérica tienen diferendos fronterizos con sus vecinos y el resto del continente no escapa de esa realidad. En ocasiones estas diferencias han generado guerra cruentas y tensiones política de variable intensidad, lo que ha afectado las relaciones, y propicia que ante una crisis generada por cualquier circunstancia, se exacerben los ánimos y ocurran situaciones críticas que pueden desembocar en un conflicto armado de grandes proporciones, si una de las partes no asume plena conciencia del escenario.


Un ejemplo de esta situación fue la movilización ordenada por el presidente Hugo Chávez, cuando fuerzas colombianas ingresaron en territorio de Ecuador para destruir la narcoguerrilla de Raúl Reyes. La actitud de Álvaro Uribe evitó un conflicto bélico de grandes proporciones.


Los problemas hemisféricos se remontan a recién terminada las Guerras de Independencia. La fijación de los límites entre la Gran Colombia, heredera del Virreinato de Nueva Granada y del Virreinato del Perú provocaron un serio de conflicto.


Perú y la Gran Colombia (1828-1829) sostuvieron una guerra en la que el Virreinato de Nueva Granada intentaba recuperar unos territorios. La Gran Colombia fracasó en sus objetivos de intentar recuperar los límites territoriales previos a la independencia.


Desde que Venezuela y Colombia se separaron enfrentan un diferendo fronterizo por el desplazamiento de la línea limítrofe en tierra firme y la no delimitación de las aguas territoriales y submarinas que le corresponderían respectivamente a cada país en la península de la Goajira.


Colombia sostiene otra controversia por límites marítimos con Nicaragua. El país centroamericano hace varios años demandó a Bogotá ante la Corte Internacional de La Haya por la soberanía del archipiélago de San Andrés y Providencia, en el Mar Caribe.


Honduras y Nicaragua sostienen una disputa por 130,000 kilómetros cuadrados de su plataforma en el Caribe. Nicaragua tiene diferencias con Costa Rica por el Río San Juan, que separa ambos países en el sur. El presidente de Honduras, Manuel Zelaya y el presidente de El Salvador, Antonio Elías Saca, les atribuyen a sus respectivos países soberanía sobre la isla Conejo, situada en el golfo de Fonseca.


En 1969 las fuerzas armadas de El Salvador ingresaron a territorio hondureño y lograron avanzar hasta pocos kilómetros de Tegucigalpa, lo que originó la denominada guerra del fútbol que concluyó con la muerte de cerca de 5000 personas.


Venezuela le reclama a Guyana desde 1963 el territorio del Esequibo, planteando que esa región integraba la desaparecida Capitanía General que radicaba en Caracas. Varios incidentes han tenido lugar en la frontera. El 15 de noviembre de 2007 se produjo un incidente cuando unos 40 soldados venezolanos ingresaron a Guyana por las aguas territoriales del rió Cuyuni.


Bolivia tuvo un conflicto territorial con Chile, que involucró a Perú por un acuerdo previo existente entre La Paz y Lima. La Guerra del Pacífico (1879-1883), que ganó Chile, determino que el Departamento de Antofagasta dejara de ser boliviano y que Tarapacá y Arica dejaran de estar bajo la soberanía peruana. El diferendo todavía existe.


Perú y Ecuador enfrentan un largo y en ocasiones sangriento conflicto en las regiones del Amazonas y Los Andes, ejemplos de estos fueron las guerra de 1941/42 y la guerra del Cenepa en 1995. Perú tiene otras diferencias con Ecuador, por discrepancias en parte de su frontera marítima. Algo similar le ocurre con Chile.

La tristemente famosa Guerra del Chaco, 1932-1935, se libró entre Bolivia y Paraguay, por el control de la región del Chaco Boreal. Durante tres años un cuarto de millón de bolivianos se enfrentaron a 150,000 “hermanos” paraguayos. Las bajas en la “familia” fueron de unos 55.000 bolivianos y aproximadamente 40.000 paraguayos.Entre Chile y Argentina existió un serio desacuerdo de soberanía sobre las islas que están situadas al sur de Canal de Beagle. En más de una ocasión se movilizaron fuerzas militares y ocurrieron escaramuzas entre los efectivos de ambos países. El diferendo se resolvió en 1984, por la intervención del papa Juan Pablo II.


El Caribe es también escenario de conflictos entre naciones que están obligadas a convivir. Haití y República Dominicana han sostenido a través de los tiempos fuertes y sangrientos enfrentamientos. Haití ocupó el territorio de la República Dominicana durante veintidós años; y este país tuvo que ir a la guerra para alcanzar la independencia.


Desde la primera infancia estamos escuchando sobre la fraternidad de los pueblos de América Latina. Recuerdo aquella América Inmortal que mal entonábamos los estudiantes de primaria en las escuelas cubanas.


La armonía no es real porque los países más ricos de América Latina nunca han prestado un firme y continuo apoyo a los más pobres, salvo que sea por motivaciones políticas, como en su momento hizo Fidel Castro y en el presente ejecuta su heredero Hugo Chávez.


La solidaridad y la convicción de un destino común de Libertad y Democracia entre los pueblo del hemisferio parece ser otro cuento de caminos. Haití padeció crueles dictaduras cuando la mayor parte de las naciones latinoamericanas más poderosas vivían en democracia y Cuba padece hace 50 años un régimen totalitario, y los gobiernos distinguen a los déspotas y disfrutan de su compañía.


Autor: Pedro Corzo
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Cierre de la mina de Omai Gold Mines Ltd expolió a la región y ahora les toca a los brasileños hacerlo con el puente sobre el Tucutu. (Guayana Esequi

http://www.stabroeknews.com/2009/business/05/15/linden-looking-to-brazil-road-to-help-restore-depressed-economy/

Linden looking to Brazil road to help restore depressed economy


By Stabroek staff May 15, 2009 in Business
The closure of the operations of Omai Gold Mines Ltd and the retrenchment of workers by the Aroaima Mining Company (AMC) have significantly worsened the economic outlook for Linden in recent years, according to Chairman of the municipality’s Interim Management Committee Orrin Gordon.


Chairman of the municipality’s Interim Management Committee Orrin Gordon


And according to Gordon, Linden was now looking to possible opportunities that could result from the completion of the road link between Guyana and Brazil as a way out of its economic woes.


In an extended interview with Stabroek Business this week Gordon said that while the new road link was yet to be formally opened there was already evidence of commercial ties between Lindeners and Brazilians. He said enterprising Lindeners had already begun to travel to Lethem with consignments of goods known to be in demand in Brazilian communities across the border



According to Gordon the Linden Chamber of Commerce had also established relationships with counterpart business entities in Boa Vista, Bon Fim and Manaus.


He said that he expected that those contacts would be strengthened in the period ahead. Gordon said that the impression that he had gotten from people on both sides of the border was that there was a keenness to develop commercial ties and that there was some measure of impatience with the slow pace of completion and commissioning of the road link.


In an interview which dealt in detail with some of the economic challenges confronting the mining community Gordon said that recent job losses at the Bosai bauxite operations and the attendant reduction in disposable income had had a knock-on effect on the business community as a whole. “The Linden business community has always been a tough and resilient community but loss of jobs and loss of income have made things that much more difficult for the community,” Gordon said.


Meanwhile, according to the IMC Chairman, initiatives by Linden and the wider Region Ten to seek to embark on agricultural initiatives have met with mixed success. Gordon told Stabroek Business that some of the traditional farming communities in Guyana possessed a considerable competitive advantage over Linden and other areas of Region Ten as far as agricultural cultivation is concerned. “Soil composition and other considerations often make it difficult for us to grow certain crops in Region Ten. We simply have to bring them in at high prices.


Meanwhile Gordon told Stabroek Business that the size of the IMC’s returns from rates and taxes was “decidedly inadequate” to meet its commitments to the community. Last year the IMC collected around $20m out of a projected $35m and Gordon said that arrears since 1996 had reached $32m and continued to climb steadily.


Linden continues to face serious difficulties in key aspects of municipal administration, not least of which was the fact that more than 50 percent of property owners were not on the municipal roll and could not therefore be billed for rates and taxes, Gordon also alluded to the fact that no dwelling house owner paid more than $7,000 per year in rates and taxes and that outside of Bosai no business owner paid more than $40,000 annually.


Gordon said that while the municipality was in receipt of a $2m state subvention and revenue of around $35m annually from market fees and bridge and roof tolls, that was enough to place the municipality in a “break even” position.” He said that the IMC’s responsibilities included the maintenance of roads, garbage collection, street lighting, maintenance of the community’s municipal market drainage and security.


Meanwhile Gordon has launched a scathing attack on “sections of the business community” whom he said continued to show scant regard for the preservation of the environment. He said that he was concerned that some eating houses in Linden were showing scant regard for the environment. He said that rather than dispose of their waste in garbage bins some eating house proprietors were hiring “junkies” to indiscriminately dispose of their garbage, Gordon said that he was also concerned about what he described as “sub standard” food handling practices including low standards of delivery and storage and the absence of a regime for meat inspection, problems which he said may have already given rise to “some health issues”.




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Nota del Editor del blog: Al referenciarse a la República Cooperativa de Guyana se deben de tener en cuenta los 159.500 Km2, de territorios ubicados al oeste del río Esequibo conocidos con el nombre de Guayana Esequiba o Zona en Reclamación sujetos al Acuerdo de Ginebra del 17 de febrero de 1966.


Luego de años de explotación

La Canacol Energy Limited y la Groundstar Resources Limited iniciaran prospección petrolera en la cuenca del Tucutu. (Guayana Esequiba)

Tomado de:
http://www.stabroeknews.com/2009/news/local/05/15/groundstar-reduces-share-in-takutu-petroleum-licence/

Groundstar reduces share in Takutu petroleum licence


By Stabroek staff May 15, 2009 in Local News


-not drilling until next year


Groundstar Resources Limited’s interest in the Takutu Basin Petroleum Prospecting Licence (PPL) has been significantly reduced after the company entered into an agreement with Canacol Energy Limited.


The Agreement is subject to the approval of Guyana Government and the TSX exchange but once approved will see Canacol acquiring an additional 35% working interest in the PPL in exchange for a cash payment to Groundstar of US$3.45M. A portion of the money has already been paid.


Chief Executive Officer and Chairman of the Board of Directors of Groundstar, Kim Fard made the announcement and a press release yesterday afternoon said that Canacol’s net working interest in the PPL will increase to 90% while Groundstar’s net interest will reduce to 10% “which will be carried by Canacol to first commercial production”.

The release stated that Groundstar will remain operator of the block through to completion of the first exploratory well which is expected to be drilled in the first half of 2010. Groundstar has received an initial payment of US$1.2M from Canacol as the first installment under the Agreement Terms. Under an existing Farm-in agreement, entered on March 11 last year Canacol would earn a 55% working interest by spending 100% of the first US$12M spent on drilling the first 2 wells in the concession.


“Groundstar views this Agreement in the best long-term interest of the Company in the Takutu Basin PPL. Due to their experience in the countries of Colombia and Brazil, Canacol will contribute valuable expertise to the upcoming drilling campaign and future operation of the Takutu Basin” the release stated.


Groundstar is a publicly traded Canadian junior oil and gas company actively pursuing exploration opportunities in South America, North Africa and the Middle East.


The announcement came on the heels of another Canadian company, CGX, disclosing that it would not be drilling offshore until next year.


1. FREESPEECH says:
May 15, 2009 at 7:44 am
i have met a geologist [phd] in private consultant practice interpreting satellite scan.he told me guyana has a lot of oil, but he will never reveal the locations.i tried but to no avail.
Reply
o Rupman says:
May 15, 2009 at 10:00 am
So why doesn’t this geologist set up an oil exploration company and prospect in Guyana? There’s big bucks involved……..unless he too is not certain!



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Nota del Editor del blog: Al referenciarse a la República Cooperativa de Guyana se deben de tener en cuenta los 159.500 Km2, de territorios ubicados al oeste del río Esequibo conocidos con el nombre de Guayana Esequiba o Zona en Reclamación sujetos al Acuerdo de Ginebra del 17 de febrero de 1966.

Los productores de arroz expulsados del la Reserva Indígena Raposa Serra do Sol operarán en las sabanas del Rupununi

Tomado de:
http://www.stabroeknews.com/2009/news/local/05/14/expelled-brazil-rice-farmer-looking-to-shift-operations-to-guyana/


Expelled Brazil rice farmer looking to shift operations to Guyana


By Stabroek staff May 14, 2009 in Local News


–reportedly has poor environmental record

Paulo Cesar Quartiero, a large-scale Brazilian rice producer who is among a group recently ordered by the Brazilian Supreme Court to vacate the Indian reservation Raposa Serra do Sol, has alleged that the Government of Guyana has proposed to lease him land for 99 years.


Concerns have been raised about this since Quartiero has been described in the Brazilian and international media as the force behind “the movement of resistance of non-Indians” in the northern Brazilian State of Roraima, separated from Guyana by the Ireng and Takutu rivers.


Contacted about Quartiero’s claims, Minister of Agriculture Robert Persaud would only say that investors from the State of Roraima visited recently to explore the availability of land for rice cultivation in Upper Takutu/Upper Essequibo (Region Nine). He did not respond when asked whether Quartiero and the other farmers evicted by the State of Roraima were the investors who visited recently.


Persaud said on Tuesday: “A group of investors from the State of Roraima visited Guyana recently, to explore the availability of land for rice cultivation in the Region Nine area. The government is willing to consider an acceptable investment proposal for rice and soya cultivation in the region. The rice is not to be sold on the local market but only for export to Brazil. Specific areas for cultivation were identified by the investors. No consideration will be given to land demarcated or to be demarcated for Amerindian communities. The availability of land areas is under review by the Guyana Lands and Surveys Commission.”


According to Persaud, several Amerindian communities are already cultivating rice in Region Nine on a small scale. The government, he said, has concluded a project with the Spanish government on expanding rice cultivation in nine villages in Regions Nine and Eight (Potaro/Siparuni). However, Persaud did not say whether the introduction of large-scale rice cultivation in Region Nine has been discussed with the administrative body.


Instead, he said, “Any private involvement in the sector will give a boost to rice production and allow for farmers and millers to tap into Brazil’s large rice market, especially with the impending opening of the Takutu Bridge.”


Rice cultivating activities in regions Eight and Nine, he said, will create jobs and stimulate more economic activities for residents.


“During my recent visit, several communities expressed much interest in rice cultivation being expanded,” Persaud stated.


Asked whether the Ministry of Agriculture has considered the impact large-scale mechanized cultivation could have on the regions’ ecosystem Persaud would only say, “All investors are required to comply with all our national laws including the Amerindian Act, and Environmental Protection Act.”


He said conservation organisations like Iwokrama and Conservation International (CI) Guyana have not been informed of the possible project since the ministry has “envisaged” no role for them.


The government recently signed four technical cooperation agreements with the Brazilian authorities which are aimed at boosting agricultural development. This was reported in the May 6 edition of Stabroek News and sourced to a Government Information Agency (GINA) press statement.


On a recent visit to Brazil, GINA had said, Persaud finalised agreements for upland rice production, corn production, aquaculture and forestry. The cultivation of rice in the hinterland areas of Guyana is being catered for in the upland rice production project as the release noted that it is costly to import rice into those areas from the coastland.


On March 19, in a 10-1 vote, the Brazilian tribunal’s judges reaffirmed the borders of the Raposa Serra do Sol reserve located in the State of Roraima, and ordered the expulsion of a group of rice farmers. Before the matter was heard by the court, a March 20 article published online by the Sydney Morning Herald said the Brazilian farmers had vowed to fight any attempt to force them out, and several stockpiled arms and threatened to blow up bridges and spike roads if police moved in.


Quartiero reportedly led the resistance of the non-Indian farmers. Reports in the May 2 online edition of Journal do Brasil said Quartiero left the reserve one day after the deadline given by the Supreme Court to vacate Raposa Serra do Sol. Brazilian police and soldiers during a 12-hour operation to remove non-indigenous residents from the Indian reservation ordered Quartiero to leave.


Questioned by Journal do Brasil about his future in agriculture Quartiero said he was very “enthused by proposals from the government of Guyana to lease [me] land for 99 years”.


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Nota del Editor del blog: Al referenciarse a la República Cooperativa de Guyana se deben de tener en cuenta los 159.500 Km2, de territorios ubicados al oeste del río Esequibo conocidos con el nombre de Guayana Esequiba o Zona en Reclamación sujetos al Acuerdo de Ginebra del 17 de febrero de 1966.



Después de haberse cumplido cuarenta años de la Rebelión del Rupununi en que rancheros e indígenas se sublevaron contra el régimen despótico y racista de Forbes L. Burnham del PNC. Por su política de discriminación racial y por negarse a renovarles el arrendamiento de las tierras a los rancheros y negarles la propiedad de sus tierras ancestrales a los amerindios.


Ahora el PPP. Según esta información de prensa el gobierno guyanés piensa arrendar parte de las sabanas del Rupununi al ciudadano brasileño Paulo Cesar Quartiero, uno ciudadano brasileño que está en contra de los movimientos amerindios, por un lapso de 99 años.


El Gobierno de Caracas tiene la palabra frente a esta afrenta en memoria de los que perecieron en la Rebelión del Rupununi, a los torturados, violados, asesinados desaparecidos y a las más de seis mil personas arrojadas a la diáspora al efectuarse una limpieza étnica en las sabanas del Rupununi en enero de 1969. En territorios ubicados en la Guayana Esequiba.

Una Venezuela que inspiró a Disney

La Gran Sabana el Kukenán
Tomado de:
http://www.bbc.co.uk/mundo/cultura_sociedad/2009/05/090513_1347_up_disney_ln.shtml

Carlos Ceresole
BBC Mundo, Los Ángeles

Buscaban un "mundo perdido" para su próxima película animada y lo encontraron en la Gran Sabana venezolana.


Los imponentes y misteriosos tepuyes del sureste del país sirven de marco para "Up: una aventura de altura", la más reciente producción de Disney Pixar que estrena esta noche el festival de Cannes, en Francia.


La película cuenta la involuntaria relación entre un viejo gruñón y un entusiasta niño explorador convertidos en inesperados compañeros de viaje. El destino de ese viaje, después de varias deliberaciones entre los productores, es Venezuela.


Obligado a abandonar su casa, Carl Fredricksen, un vendedor de globos retirado, decide evitar su previsible futuro en un asilo y lanzarse a la aventura de su vida, atando miles de globos al techo de su casa para que levante vuelo.


Los creadores de la película buscaban un lugar mágico como destino del vuelo del anciano.


"Queríamos algo que pareciera de otro mundo pero que aun así continuara siendo lo suficientemente creíble", dijo a BBC Mundo Ricky Nierva, diseñador de producción de la película.


"Inicialmente pensamos en una isla o algo entre las nubes, pero cuando vimos un documental sobre esta zona de Venezuela que nos sugirió otro diseñador, todos estuvimos de acuerdo en que al fin podíamos concretar nuestra visión", afirmó.


Otra cara de Venezuela

Cuando se decidió dónde ubicaríamos la historia me sentí lleno de orgullo


Esdras Varagnolo


La palabra tepuy significa montaña en la lengua local de los indígenas pemones.
Son mesetas que sobresalen a menudo más de 1.000 metros de la selva circundante, con paredes verticales abruptas y cimas aplanadas que encierran ecosistemas únicos.


La mayoría de estas formaciones está en territorio venezolano -unas 115-, con algunas más en los vecinos Brasil y Guyana.

"Cuando se decidió dónde ubicaríamos la historia me sentí lleno de orgullo", dijo a BBC Mundo Esdras Varagnolo, director de Iluminación y único venezolano involucrado en la película.


"No es muy frecuente que una producción de esta magnitud presente una cara tan poco conocida de mi país", señaló.
"Up: Una Aventura de Altura" es el décimo filme de los estudios Disney-Pixar e inmediata sucesora de éxitos taquilleros de la talla de "Buscando a Nemo", "Monsters Inc" y "Toy Story".


La película fue escogida para abrir este miércoles el Festival Internacional de Cine de Cannes, Francia, y será estrenada el próximo 29 de mayo en Estados Unidos.
Paraíso remoto


El equipo de 11 personas enviado a investigar el lugar, encabezado por el director Pete Docter, se tardó más de tres días en llegar a los sitios escogidos, viajando en avión, barco, vehículos terrestres y finalmente helicópteros.


El primer objetivo fue el Monte Roraima, el único tepuy realmente escalable gracias a una plataforma natural que hace posible llegar a la cumbre.


"Nos llevó más de siete horas de trepar entre rocas húmedas y vegetación tupida", relató Nierva.


"Cuando llegamos ya era de noche. Estábamos exhaustos pero con la convicción de tener el privilegio de estar en un lugar único", afirmó.


Desde Roraima viajaron en helicóptero hacia Kukenan, también conocido como Malawi Tepuy, la "casa de los muertos" por los indígenas locales.


"La sensación allí era totalmente distinta -cuenta Nierva- mucho más límpido y con formas más agresivas, uno esperaba que se le apareciera un dinosaurio en cualquier momento".


Los riesgos de la fama
Cargado de apuntes y bocetos, el equipo finalmente se dirigió al Auyantepuy, base del Salto del Ángel, que con 979 metros constituye la catarata más alta del planeta.


Éste será en la película el destino soñado de Fredricksen, la fuente de inspiración para las cinematográficas Cataratas del Paraíso.

En medio de este imponente marco natural, el viejo vendedor de globos termina descubriendo que las grandes aventuras de la vida se componen de esas pequeñas cosas que suceden a diario.


Pero el casi garantizado éxito taquillero de la historia también encierra sus riesgos para una zona cuya fragilidad ha sobrevivido en buena medida gracias al aislamiento.


La popularidad de "Buscando a Nemo", por ejemplo, disparó las ventas de peces payasos a niveles insostenibles.


Para Varagnolo, "definitivamente esta película va a poner a Venezuela en el foco de mucha gente".


"Si cayera el turismo masivo a la región de los tepuyes el lugar probablemente no sobreviviría. Pero aún es bastante difícil llegar allá y eso probablemente lo mantenga a salvo por un tiempo", señaló

ENVÍE SUS IMÁGENES
Comparta sus fotos de los tepuyes venezolanos.
Utilice el vínculo que está abajo para enviar sus imágenes.
O también puede hacerlo a la siguiente dirección electrónica:
susimagenes@bbc.co.uk
Suba sus imágenes aquí


Nota del Editor del blog: Al referenciarse a la República Cooperativa de Guyana se deben de tener en cuenta los 159.500 Km2, de territorios ubicados al oeste del río Esequibo conocidos con el nombre de Guayana Esequiba o Zona en Reclamación sujetos al Acuerdo de Ginebra del 17 de febrero de 1966.

Argentina enojada por reclamo británico (Islas Malvinas)

Tomado de:
http://www.bbc.co.uk/mundo/america_latina/2009/05/090512_malvinas_reinounido_reclamo_alf.shtml

Redacción
BBC Mundo

El lecho marino alrededor de las Malvinas podría tener ricas reservas de gas y petróleo.


Argentina reaccionó con enojo a la presentación de una demanda este lunes del Reino Unido por una larga franja de lecho marino en el Atlántico Sur, alrededor de las Islas Falklands o Malvinas.


El canciller argentino, Jorge Taiana, afirmó que "la insistencia británica en pretender arrogarse competencias" sobre esta área era "inaceptable e inadmisible".


Se cree que el lecho marino alrededor de las islas en disputa contiene ricas reservas de gas y petróleo.


El Reino Unido presentó su demanda por el lecho marino de las islas Malvinas, Georgias del Sur y Sandwich del Sur ante la comisión de Naciones Unidas sobre límites de plataforma continental.


Lindsay Parson, el experto del Centro Oceanográfico Nacional que preparó la demanda británica, afirmó a la BBC que ésta no debería dañar las relaciones con Argentina.


"Esperábamos que Argentina presentara una demanda y Argentina sabía que el Reino Unido haría lo mismo," afirmó Parson.


"Los estados debería ver esto como un ejercicio de cumplimento con la convención en vez de un intento por apropiarse de recursos minerales", agregó.


Demanda argentina

El gobierno de Argentina presentó formalmente en la ONU el mes pasado su reclamo de extensión de la plataforma continental exterior en 1,7 millones de kilómetros cuadrados que incluye esta área.


La nueva propuesta argentina amplía en el 35% el límite de los 4,8 millones de kilómetros cuadrados de lecho y subsuelo marinos considerados por Argentina bajo su soberanía.

La Convención de la ONU sobre el Derecho del Mar dispone que un país con amplio margen continental puede establecer el límite de su plataforma hasta llegar a las 200 millas náuticas desde la masa continental.


Buenos Aires aspira a que sus derechos soberanos pasen de 200 hasta 350 millas náuticas.


El reclamo de los límites de la plataforma continental incluye las islas Falklands o Malvinas, Georgia y Sandwich del Sur, por las que Argentina mantiene una disputa con el Reino Unido desde hace más de 170 años, que incluso derivó en una guerra entre ambas naciones en 1982.


También contempla áreas de territorio antártico que están en disputa con el Reino Unido y Chile.